Socioeconomic Grievances, Opportunities, and Frames: Conceptualizing Marginalization and Islamist Radicalization in Post-2011 Egypt and Tunisia, and Implications for PCVE
Keywords:
Radical Islam, Jihadism, Social Movements, North Africa, MENAAbstract
The article investigates the widespread assumption that socioeconomic marginalization helps explain the dynamics of radicalization, using the example of Islamist radicalization in Egypt and Tunisia after 2011. It develops a theoretical framework informed by social movement theory and, based on a comprehensive study of both academic publications and grey literature on the case studies published between 2011 and 2023, identifies key mechanisms linking socioeconomic factors and Islamist radicalization. It finds evidence for two major categories of mechanisms: Socioeconomic grievances can drive radicalization processes by motivating individuals or groups to use violent tactics or join violent groups, and by contributing to the delegitimization of the state, which, in turn, can legitimize the use of violence. Socioeconomic opportunities, which are basically created by the (relative) absence of the state and its services, can contribute to radicalization by enabling violent groups to generate material resources, and by providing radical groups with the opportunity to attract supporters and followers and gain legitimacy among them by offering social services. The article identifies a lack of studies on framing processes and narratives that could explain the extent and manner of the groups’ own referral to socioeconomic marginalization. In sum, the developed framework aims to help explaining the occurrence of radicalization in socioeconomically marginalized areas but also contribute to a better understanding of why many disenfranchised areas do not become jihadist hotbeds. The article concludes with discussing the practical implications of its findings, highlighting potentials for prevention, deradicalization and reintegration efforts.
Acknowledgments
Research for this paper has been generously supported by a grant of the Volkswagen Foundation in the context of the research project “The socioeconomic dimension of Islamist radicalization in Egypt and Tunisia”. We would also like to thank Ahmed Aakhunzzada for research support and Jonas Wolff for comments to an earlier version of this paper.
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